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1/9 On Bourdieu, caste, and social class đ§ľ In India, caste IS class in practice. It bundles economic, cultural, social & symbolic capital that society instantly reads as âstatus.â The state even uses caste lists (SC/ST/OBC) to target class disadvantage.


2/9 Bourdieuâs insight: class = composition & volume of capital: economic (money), cultural (credentials/accent), social (networks), symbolic (prestige). Indian caste crystallizes ALL of these into a durable hierarchy.


3/9 India operationalizes âSocially & Educationally Backward Classesâ via caste lists. These arenât just labels, theyâre live policy instruments for admissions & public jobs, treating caste as a workable proxy for historical social disadvantage.


4/9 Landmark precedent: Indra Sawhney (1992) explicitly allows caste as proxy for social class, targeting âsocial & educational backwardness,â while rejecting purely income-based criteria.


5/9 Why this maps to Bourdieu: caste co-moves with wealth, schooling, networks, accents, pedigreeâexactly the bundle of capitals that creates recognizable social class positions.


6/9 The Mandal Commission constituted in the early 1980s embedded this Bourdieusian logic: identify backward classes via âsocial and educational criteria,â using caste as the organizing signal. Income helps target policy (âcreamy layerâ), but DOESNâT define the category.


7/9 Historical note: Before âScheduled Castes,â British colonial policy called them âDepressed Classes.â The 1935 Government of India Act formalized caste-based classifications that persist in modern Indiaâs affirmative action.


8/9 Early pioneer: Princely Mysore under Maharaja Krishnaraja Wadiyar IV introduced reservations in 1921 for âbackward classesâ including Depressed Classes, decades before independence.


9/9 Administrators have long treated caste as social class for policy. Articles 15(4), 16(4), and 340 built on this caste-as-class framework to direct benefits to the structurally excluded. Itâs not accidental but institutional design.
