The SNM did not emerge as a political opposition that wanted reform.
From its very inception, it took on a character of armed violence against the Somali state.
Nearly two decades before the northern war intensified. Mohamed Farah Dalmar (“Mohamed Ali”), later a senior SNM commander, attempted an armed attack on the SNA.
Before all the chaos, in 1980 the SNM announced a declaration of war on Siad Barre & the Somali nation.
A movement that formally declares war on the Somali Republic, attacks its military, and establishes armed bases abroad cannot be portrayed as the passive victim.
What unfolded in 1988–1990 was a civil war between a Marxist-backed insurgent group and a government defending its sovereignty.
Lt Khalifa
@LtKhalifa
Just as the SNM forms Somaliland’s foundation, so does secession & violence. In 1961, Hassan Kayd, with Ethiopian backing, staged a failed coup and declared Somaliland’s secession.
He tried to force support at gunpoint.
Lt Khalifa
@LtKhalifa
What inspired Hassan Keyd to launch a coup?
Keyd who had just graduated from Sandhurst, returned to find himself junior in rank to his southern counterparts.
Keyd complained and claimed rank readjustments but was ignored. Ethiopian Brigadier General Aman Andom, commander of Ethiopia’s 3rd Division in Harar, expressed sympathy for Keyd's complaints.
General Aman is considered no friend of the Somali nation.
Hassan Keyd the first instigator of violence and instability in post-colonial Somalia would become part and parcel of the SNM insurgency against the Somali government.
The men who first attempted to fracture Somali unity in 1961 reappeared at the heart of SNM’s armed rebellion.
Lt Khalifa
@LtKhalifa
Every accusation is a confession
Before the government ever bombed the north, the SNM executed 71 non-Isaaq civilians and buried them in mass graves.
Robert Gersony reports another 51 killed in the same way. The first massacres came from the SNM, yet this is erased to push a one sided “genocide” tale.
Lt Khalifa
@LtKhalifa
Before any government bombardments in 1988, the SNM attacked Agabar refugee camp a camp made up mostly of women and children. The massacre was planned & deliberate: 60% were children, half under school age, the rest between 7–15.
To excuse this, Isaaq narratives claim the refugees were armed, yet reports confirm they were defenceless civilians.
Lt Khalifa
@LtKhalifa
The letter of death debunked
Mohamud Sheikh Ahmed resigned as president of the supreme court in protest against Ali Ibrahim Heyje’s execution and sought residence abroad living in exile.
Ali Ibrahim used to smuggle Somali MPs into Israel to secure election funds, served as a Somali-Hebrew interpreter, and maintained ties with foreign intelligence.
Lt Khalifa
@LtKhalifa
Jama Mohamed Ghalib was a government mole working for the SNM.
Jama Mohamed Ghalib collaborated with Ahmed Sheikh Mohamud to forge the letter of death.
They sent it to Richard Greenfield, (a notorious liar) who passed it on to a news magazine in an attempt to discredit the Somali government.
Lt Khalifa
@LtKhalifa
A Somali official revealed that the “Letter of Death” was a forgery its government letterhead was stolen and Gen. Morgan’s signature falsified.
He also added Mohamoud Sheikh Ahmed who was in exile since the 1970s, was neither certified orthographer nor familiar with Morgan’s signature.
Lt Khalifa
@LtKhalifa
Richard Greenfield, a fluent Amharic speaker and contributing editor to the magazine, was the first to publicise the so-called “Letter of Death.” His record, however, is one of distortion.
A former employee of the Somali government, he was sacked on suspicion of sympathising with the SNM.
Greenfield later made further false claims that the Somali government had acquired chemical weapons, an allegation the Pentagon itself formally refuted.
Historian Lidwien Kapteijns confirms the “Letter of Death” is inauthentic, noting it contradicts General Morgan’s known lenient policy.
This is further supported by primary sources, including the CIA, which reports that Morgan often rehabilitated SNM defectors and had a lenient policy.
The CIA write the following:
“Generally disarm and "reeducate" defectors, according to Embassy reporting. Radio Hargeisa employs these defectors to urge other insurgents to surrender.”
Lt Khalifa
@LtKhalifa
Even northern residents attest to Morgan’s comparatively lenient policy.
A local from Burco described him as a hero, crediting him with major developments in Hargeisa such as expanding access to water and electricity, after years of prolonged states of emergency.
VIDEO
Lt Khalifa
@LtKhalifa
How the SNM used land mines
In 1988, during the Somali–Ethiopian peace agreement, the Somali government confirmed the removal of all landmines and explosives.
In contrast, the SNM continued to lay mines during and after the conflict, leaving a deadly legacy that still endangers civilians.
Lt Khalifa
@LtKhalifa
There are well documented instances of the SNM employing landmines not only against government forces but also against civilians & even their own members. In Borama, SNM planted mines destroyed vehicles and caused casualties.
In another case, the SNM commander Gaboobe laid a mine on a route intended for Silanyo.
In 1992, Mohamed Ibrahim Egal resorted to landmine use in Hargeisa against rival opposition groups.
Lt Khalifa
@LtKhalifa
In the mid 1980s, Isaaq elders held Silaanyo personally responsible for the destruction of the north.
In 1990 SNM insurgents began shelling civilians in Arabsiyo, 2 years earlier ( 1988) the government completed rehabilitation works such as water pipes and the construction of hospitals.
Lt Khalifa
@LtKhalifa
In 1984 the SNM commited bombing attacks inside Hargesia after infiltrating the city. Again in 1988 the SNM launched suicide bombs.
Arguably the earliest instance of the use of suicide bombs in Somalia. During the 90s the SNM began shelling towns and cities during the factional infighting within the SNM.
A CIA intelligence assessment noted that by 1984, civilian Isaaq communities were actively harbouring SNM fighters and supplying them with intelligence.
US Embassy reports described these civilian areas as having effectively become insurgent strongholds.
The SNM recruited Isaaq refugees and used refugee camps as sanctuaries.
If Siad Barre truly harboured genocidal intent towards the Isaaq, his actions don’t match the claim.
After Mohamed Ali Dalmar‘s rebellion in 1970, Barre nonetheless (1975) ordered the airlift of over 200,000 drought-stricken Somali nomads, mostly from Northern Somalia.
Mohamed Ali’s 1970 revolt would have coloured his view on Isaaqs but It didn’t, because he used his government budget surplus on them.
